Projects / Programmes
Substantive representation of youth in representative bodies
| Code |
Science |
Field |
Subfield |
| 5.06.01 |
Social sciences |
Political science |
Politology |
| Code |
Science |
Field |
| S170 |
Social sciences |
Political and administrative sciences |
| Code |
Science |
Field |
| 5.06 |
Social Sciences |
Political science |
youth, declining political participation, changing political imaginary, political representation, parliament, representative roles
Researchers (17)
Organisations (2)
Abstract
As we have witnessed in the last few years, modern representative democracy is facing numerous challenges and criticisms, all of which have some connection to the question of the quality of representation. Trust in representative institutions as well as satisfaction with the functioning of democracy are extremely low, in some countries even reaching critical levels. Under the strain of depleting trust in political representatives and institutions of democracy, it is no surprise to hear emerging voices questioning the validity of the concept of representative democracy itself. Hence, the focus of contemporary debates should be centred on the quality of the current form of political representation and the way it corresponds to the changed political imaginary of citizens, primarily youth. This is in line with the evidence of misrepresentation of the citizenry in parliaments and debates focussing on withdrawal of youth from institutional politics.
The population most affected by this problem and also most hostile to this image of democracy is youth. With less than 2,8 per cent of representatives in national parliaments (IPU, 2015), and accompanying evidence of low levels of political participation reinforced by unfavourable political structure and unfavourable policy outcomes (EYF, 2015; Deželan, 2016), the main challenge therefore entails the question of how members of parliament (MPs) understand and perceive their representational roles and, conversely, how citizens, primarily youth, perceive these roles and behaviour.
This project shall address two dimensions of representation; the style and focus of observed political representatives, which both have an impact on the characteristics and quality of representation as observed by citizens, primarily youth. Yet it seems more appropriate to talk about role-switching for representatives since they are not necessarily loyal to merely one style and focus of representation but self-perceive their roles as variable. In that sense, the issue of the determinants of those role-takings (institutional, political/career patterns and socio-demographic/personal) is crucially important, particularly in terms of addressing different identities, ideologies and interests present in the political arena. This research project aims to address the key issues of political representation and the problem of the transmission of citizens' preferences to MPs as well as the question of the constraints citizens' preferences may impose on MPs and their behaviour. On the other hand, we wish to identify the type of representation most suitable to the political imaginary of youth and the key barriers to introduction of such representation type.
We believe it is vital to (1) identify the characteristics of representational roles (in terms of the style and focus of representation) and their determinants in order to combat the crisis of political representation. This will be achieved by implementing a face-to-face survey conducted among deputies and upgraded with interviews with MPs. At the same time, the (2) identification of representation style and focus suitable to youth, shall be performed by analysing available survey data, which will serve as the basis for public opinion research conducted on the population of youth aged between 15 and 30. To allow a greater insight into the changed political imaginary of youth we shall subsequently apply the oral histories approach. Both strands of results shall be tested and validated through deliberative forums with stakeholders.
By implementing this, we wish to contribute to contemporary debates about the crisis of representation npr. Thorley, 2015; Keane, 2009; Rosanvallon, 2008; Micheletti, 2012) and debates about a problem of political participation and representation of youth (Putnam, 2000; Macedo et al., 2005; Dalton, 2008; Wattenberg, 2012; Garcia-Albacete, 2014; Roger in Marti, 2015; Loader et al. 2015).
Significance for science
Since the establishment of collective representative bodies in Slovenia there has not been
conducted any systematic and in-depth empirical analysis of the concept of representation
from the political science perspective. In the past several years legal studies on the concept
of representation as well as work of members of the National Assembly were implemented,
but all of them were based on the institutionalist approach. In the proposed research project bahaviouralistic approach, as a rule applied in many studies of the topic abroad, will be used. Nevertheless, some political science studies on representation were conducted, but were very specifically oriented and addressed some particular, narrow topics (see Drago Zajc, 2000, 2004, 2010).
In addition, Slovenia lacks research on the representation and participation of youth in the political process (partially covered by studies Mladina 2000 and Mladina 2010) and with this related youth's changing political imaginary. This study aims to be one of the first in the global perspective as well since only a few studies touched this complex, but relevant problem that extends conventional reasoning of the political (e.g. Pattie et al., 2004; Marsh et al., 2007). This project will inherently contribute to various strands of the debate about young individuals’ relationship with the political process, four in particular. Firstly, to the distancing of young individuals from institutional politics. Secondly, to the broadening definition of politics. Because the political imaginary of youth has changed and evolved, the agents, repertoires and targets of political action have also evolved. Thirdly, to the relationship between youth and the political sphere calls into question the classical liberal distinction between the public and private spheres. Fourthly, to the growing complexity of youth transitions. Contemporary youth's transitions to adulthood are marked by longer and reversible transition periods (Serracant 2012; Soler-i-Martí 2015). In addition, the project offers a great potential in terms of understanding the complexity of politically uninvolved youth: apathetic, uninformed, distrustful and disempowered. The disaggregation of this category of individuals, who are usually attributed with a lack of political interest, indicates that youth approach politics with more or less information, more or less trust in political institutions and politicians, more or less a sense of efficacy and more or less a sense of civic duty (Snell 2010,).
On these grounds we shall also contribute to a general question about the crisis of representation, whether it should be safeguarded as well as what an end of representation looks like. This debate ranges from contributions on the character of modern representative democracies to the end-of- representation deliberations of Della Porta (2013), Hay (2007), Kean (2009), Žižek (2011), Rosanvallon (2008), Ankersmit (2002) and Tormey (2015).
Significance for the country
The research project will enable us to detect determinants of the crisis of representation,
which clearly can be observed in Slovenia in the last several years. The analysis will provide
a basis for formulating a range of potential mechanisms to diminish the identified
weaknesses in the operation of representative democracy in Slovenia. Quality of modern
representative democracy (such a form of a political system is still the most desired form of
governance in Slovenia; see public opinion polls) is important social goal with implications for
functioning of a government/public administration as well as the economy. As such it is very
influential determinant of citizens’ satisfaction with the system as whole.
Furthermore, the introduction of democratic innovations tend to have the following set of
consequences. The project offers to have a direct impact on the quality of democratic
governance, as democratic decision-making requires knowledge of people’s interests. We
argue that citizen input has the potential to improve the quality of public decisions by
marshalling the knowledge and registering the preferences of the entire community.
Secondly, a government is legitimate only when the people as a whole participate in their
own self-rule. While democracy is supposed to represent the people as a whole, there is an
abundance of evidence that political institutions are most responsive to those who mobilise.
Democratic innovations shall target these deficiencies. Thirdly, wider participation and
representation can enhance the quality of citizens’ lives as an exercise of distinctive human
capacities. In other words, with participation and representation citizens acquire skills and
knowledge (Macedo et al., 2005).
Most important scientific results
Interim report,
final report
Most important socioeconomically and culturally relevant results
Interim report,
final report
